Guest Post by Adam James Roberts
In early July, the British Medical Association’s junior members voted by a 16-point margin to reject a new employment contract negotiated between the BMA’s leadership and the Government. The chair of the BMA’s junior doctors committee, Johann Malawana, stood down following the result, noting the “considerable anger and mistrust” doctors felt towards the Government and their concerns about what the contract would mean “for their working lives, their patients and the future delivery of care” in the National Health Service (the NHS).
The BMA pressed the Government to reopen negotiations and to reverse its decision to impose the contract unilaterally. Those appeals having been rebuffed, the BMA announced two months later a new programme of strikes, citing concerns about the impacts on part-time workers, “a majority of whom are women”; on those doctors who already work the greatest number of weekends, “typically in specialties where there is already a shortage” of staff; the contract’s implications for the ability of the NHS to “attract and keep enough doctors” into the future; and the lack of an answer as to how the Government would manage to staff and fund the extra weekend care which was so often drawn on to justify pushing that new contract through.
Earlier this year, Mark Toynbee and colleagues argued in the JME that the earlier rounds of strikes by British juniors were probably ethically permissible, noting that emergency care would continue to be available, that the maintenance of patient well-being was apparently a goal, and that the strikers felt they were treating industrial action as a last resort.
The views, opinions and positions expressed by these authors and blogs are theirs and do not necessarily represent that of the Bioethics Research Library and Kennedy Institute of Ethics or Georgetown University.